Astronomy - Dark Matter Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Astronomy - Dark Matter - Essay Example 23 percent is dark matter, which we cannot observe and is invisible to us and 73 percent is dark energy which is countering the effects of gravity and hence driving the expansion of the universe. The idea of dark matter came after observing the motion of spiral galaxies like our own Milky Way. Motion of the stars in Andromeda Galaxy, which is our nearest, was observed. In case of spiral galaxy, it was expected that the stars at the outer layer or arms of the galaxy would move faster than the ones on the inside to keep up with the shape of the galaxy. The observations, however, were contradicting this notion and readings showed stars at the outside moving with almost the same speed as the inner stars. Since gravity depends on mass of the object, it was calculated that the visible mass of the galaxy was not enough to keep it together. The anomaly in the motion of spiral galaxy suggested that the mass of the galaxy might be more than it seems. We see circular motion all around us in the universe from the motion of our planets around the sun and in a similar way motion of stars around galactic center. Calculations suggested that the visible mass of the galaxy did not have enough gravitational force to overcome the centrifugal force in spiral galaxies and with the mass of visible matter; the galaxies would lose their spiral shape and break away. Since, this is not the case and we see spiral galaxies all around us; there must be invisible matter that seems to have a gravitational effect but does not interact with visible matter. This invisible matter is called dark matter and it has mass which in turn gives it gravitational force. An explanation for this missing mass was given that red dwarfs or remnants of supernovas which are difficult to observe because they are low light sources, could account for this missing mass; but, the idea was soon ruled out because the missing mass discrepancy could not be justified with even dwarf galaxies. Dark matter may not be visible to us, but, there are strong observations pointing towards its existence. Gravitational lensing is an effect which points towards existence of dark matter. As per Einstein’s theory, light bends with the gravitational effect of massive objects. Dark matter does not interact with light, but, because it has mass, light from distant galaxies bend around areas with dark matter. The area of dark matter in between the telescope and the galaxies, act as a giant lens and distorts the image, magnifies some galaxies and even causes circular lines distortions typical with common lenses (Kleingrothaus and Arnowitt 27). It is further observed that galaxies form within clumps of dark matter. Dark matter is thought to be the skeleton aiding in formation of galaxies. It is still not completely understood how the galaxies form, but when computer simulations are run for creation of galaxies with only the visible matter, the result point towards a failed galaxy that could not hold itself togeth er. However, with the inclusion of dark matter or extra mass, the evolution of galaxies as per the computer simulations line up with the images we observe in the universe (Clavin 2). Visible matter joins in the clumps of dark matter and stars initially form because of increased effect of gravity. Over time galaxies evolve from elliptical to circular disks and eventually in their present form that is spiral galaxies. The mystery of dark matter questions

The French Colonization of Tunisia Research Paper

The French Colonization of Tunisia - Research Paper Example This paper will focus on the rationale behind the French colonization of Tunisia in the 19th century. The major question is: why did the French colonize Tunisia and what the French hoping to achieve? Before embarking on the French colonization of Tunisia, it is of essence to highlight the activities and effects of other powerful nations on Tunisia prior to the French. Ancient Tunisia was inhabited by Berbers, who led a nomadic way of life and lived in caves. However, in the 9th century BC, the Phoenicians arrived in Africa through the Mediterranean Sea and colonized Tunisia. The Phoenicians established the city of Carthage in Tunisia and influenced its religion, economy, culture, and politics. Consequently, Carthage became one of the most prosperous cities in the Mediterranean region. This prosperity, nevertheless, did not last long, as Carthage was involved in supremacy battles with Rome. Unfortunately for Carthage, it lost the battles to Rome, thus Tunisia was placed under the Roma n rule. Many roman businessmen settled in Tunisia and exploited its fertile soils, natural minerals, and consumer goods2. Within no time, Tunisia became famous for supplying agricultural products all over Europe. The Romans also established Christianity in Tunisia. The Romans were succeeded by the vandals who enhanced the agricultural and commercial life in Tunisia. However, the vandals did not recognize the native Berbers of Tunisia in their rule and this led to Tunisia being taken over by the Byzantine Empire. Constant battles between the Byzantine Empire and other nations wanting to control Tunisia led to the decline of the Byzantine Empire rule. In the 14th century BC, the Ottoman Turks, particularly the Beys invaded and conquered Tunisia. Under the rule of the Beys, Tunisia achieved economic, social, and political prosperity. For example, education was prioritized and nationalism upheld. At this time, European countries offered to help Tunisia in improving its international tra de. The Bey went on an extravagant mission to increase taxes and erect major buildings in the country. However, Tunisian economy suffered at the hands of European investors, which forced Tunisia to declare bankruptcy and ask for assistance from European powers. This call for help aroused the interests of Britain, Italy and France in colonizing Tunisia. Therefore, in order for France to gain control of Tunisia, the latter had to fight off the challenge posed by Britain and Italy. Particularly, Italy felt that it was more deserving of Tunisia because; one, it had invested more wealth in Tunisia than Britain and France. Secondly, Italy had more of its citizens settled in Tunisia compared to the number of Britons and French people in Tunisia. Nevertheless, Britain agreed to let France have Tunisia, if the latter left Cyprus to the British. In 1881, some men from Tunisia had crossed over to Algeria, a French protectorate and the French used this as a perfect excuse to invade and subdue t he Tunisians3. The Bardo Treaty was signed between Tunisian officials and the French officials that saw French take over the governance of Tunisia. Italy did not wish to fight with France over the control of Tunisia, thus in 1884, Tunisia was formally recognized as a French protectorate. Once France had solidified its control over Tunisia, France paid all of Tunisia’s foreign debt and as a result, Tunisia was completely under French rule. The question, therefore, remains; why did the

Domestic Violence A Recurring Problem In Modern Society Criminology Essay

Domestic Violence A Recurring Problem In Modern Society Criminology Essay Discuss its causes, effects and the legal and other remedies available to deal with the problem. Analyse whether these remedies are sufficient or not and set out how you feel the issue is best dealt with. Domestic violence is undoubtedly a serious problem in modern society. Crime statistics in Ireland indicate that the Gardai record an average of twenty three incidents of domestic violence every day (Watson and Parsons 2005). However, domestic violence is certainly not a modern phenomenon. It has existed throughout the centuries but remained largely hidden and unrecorded. Traditionally, domestic violence has been considered a private matter rather than a criminal offence. Until the 19th century it was legal and socially acceptable for men to beat their wives (Dobash and Dobash 1979). Domestic violence is often associated with physical abuse only. However, research indicates that it can take different forms: physical, sexual and psychological/emotional. In the course of this essay the causes and effects of domestic violence will be explored, drawing on research carried out in Ireland and internationally. The legal and other remedies will also be outlined and evaluated. 2. Many theories have been put forward as to the causes of domestic violence. One theory is idea of circular causality (Pressman 1989). This view implies that a woman is as responsible for her own victimization as the man who assaults her. The violence is seen as something they have both created and are both responsible for modifying. Another view explains violence by reference to the mans personal history. Research shows that men who witness their parents domestic violence are three times more likely to become wife beaters and women who witness violence as children seek out abusive men because they saw their mothers being abused (Pressman 1989). Pressman (1989) suggests witnessing violence against a Mother may make sons more prone to violence themselves as adults, they may be quick to perceive conflict and slow to see non-violent alternatives for dealing with it. However, there are no firm conclusions about childhood experiences of domestic or other abuse as a cause of adult abuse or v ictimization. Pressman (1989) points out that it is not simply a matter of modelling whereby a child witnesses a set of behaviours and proceeds to replicate them: there are powerful mediating factors that can shape a variety of outcomes. She concludes that not all violent families and not all children are the same and the replication of violence from generation to generation is not inevitable (Pressman 1989). Domestic violence is often associated with alcohol consumption, but it is unclear as to whether alcohol is the root cause of this problem. Reporting 3. on a study of married couples, Leonard finds support for a causal relationship between a husbands drinking and physical abuse of wives. However, he cautions that: †¦despite the support that the current research program has provided for a causal role of alcohol on marital aggression, it would be a mistake to overstate this role. Alcohol is neither a necessary nor a sufficient cause of marital aggression. The majority of aggressive episodes occur without alcohol, and men who have behaved aggressively with alcohol have often behaved aggressively without alcohol as well. The role of alcohol†¦appears to be one of a facilitative nature, a contributing cause. (Leonard cited in Watson and Parsons 2005 p.67). In their study of domestic violence in Ireland, Watson and Parsons identify a number of triggers of abusive behaviour. A trigger is an immediate precursor to the behaviour and not necessary the ultimate cause of violence (p. 174). They found that in about two out of five cases the abusive behaviour had no specific trigger or was triggered by minor incidents. In about one third of cases abuse was associated with the consumption of alcohol. The authors conclude that the results are not strongly suggestive of a primary causal link between consumption of alcohol and incidents of domestic violence. In only one quarter of cases was alcohol consumption always involved. Similarly, Margaret Martin, director of Womens Aid, points out that while there is a strong link between alcohol abuse and domestic violence, treating or dealing with the alcoholism does not necessarily stop the violence (Martin 2009). 4. However, she does acknowledge that alcohol greatly increases the risk to a woman and has clear links to increased severity in relation to physical and sexual abuse. Other contributing factors to domestic violence include social exclusion, gender inequality, poverty and having a criminal background. A number of theorists work from the understanding that domestic abuse is caused by social structures, cultural norms and other factors that endorse or do not challenge the use of control and abuse by men against their female partners (Debonnaire et al. 2004). Pressman (1989) suggests that violence against women has persisted in our society precisely because it does not contradict cultural norms in any fundamental way. She suggests that to some degree we have all been acculturated to perceive violence as an acceptable means of exercising control. Wife abuse also reflects power differentials in our society, played out in the family. Pressman (1989) points out that the groups against whom violence is accepted are groups that are socially and economically disadvantaged including women, children, racial minorities, the poor, the mentally ill. In particular she looks at the economic inequalities that affect women and their continuing exclusion from positions of power in very many sectors o f society. According to Pressman (1989) there is an obvious link between this systematic disempowering of women and their continued victimization. Domestic violence simultaneously expresses and reinforces their 5. disempowered state. The basic problem as she sees it, is not just to end violence as a behaviour (although it is obviously important) but more importantly to alter the social arrangements that violence expresses and reinforces. Women cannot be safe when at the same time they are defined as inferior and subordinate to men. The impact of domestic violence is far reaching and complex. Domestic violence is a major cause of injury, disability and death for women worldwide. Between January 1996 and June 2005, one hundred and nine women were murdered in Ireland, seventy two of these in their own homes. In those cases which have been resolved, all were perpetrated by a man and almost half were perpetrated by the womans partner or ex-partner (Debonnaire et al. 2004). Ireland is not alone, domestic violence is one of the greatest causes of death and injury amongst women worldwide (Amnesty International, 2004). The World Health Organisation has estimated that 70 per cent of female murder victims are killed by their male partners. Their recently released World Report on Violence and Health notes that whereas men are much more likely to be attacked by a stranger or an acquaintance than by someone within their close circle of relationships†¦.one of the most common forms of violence against women is that perfor med by a husband or male partner (World Health Organisation 2001). The Council of Europe has stated that violence in the family is the major cause of death and disability for women between the 6. ages of 16 and 44 years. Domestic violence results in more death and ill- health in women than cancer or road traffic accidents (Kerr 2004). Similarly child homicide is often linked to domestic violence, where the male abuser is abusing the women and the child(ren). Children who are not being abused may be physically harmed when they try to protect parents or are caught in the crossfire (Debonnaire et al. 2004). Apart from physical injury, domestic violence is also linked to depression, post-traumatic stress disorder and other mental health problems. Both women and men who have been abused report negative emotional consequences (Watson and Parsons 2005). However, women are more likely than men to have been very frightened or distressed by this abuse and to report that the experience had a major impact on their lives (ibid. p25). Watson and Parsons also found that more women than men reported a loss of confidence. In some instances emotional abuse was found to be even more traumatic than physical attacks. Almost half of the severely abused respondents including those who had suffered severe physical or sexual abuse listed an emotional incident as being the worst thing that had happened to them (ibid. p.25). The research also found a clear link between abuse and marital breakdown. Domestic abuse can have an impact on other aspects of the victims life, including work and accommodation. Watson and Parsons found that two 7. in five of those severely abused had to take time off work, while nearly one in eight had to leave a job. In some cases it can lead to homelessness (OHalloran 2009). It is also a major cost to the exchequer in health care for the victims (Debonnaire et al. 2004). Ireland now has a network of womens support services and mens programmes, a civil and criminal justice framework, a specialist policy for the police and other elements of domestic abuse intervention. There has been public debate about effective ways of responding to and preventing domestic abuse (Task Force Report, 1997). The Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform of the government of Ireland coordinates a Steering Committee on Violence against Women. Various sub-committees of the steering committee include one focused on work with perpetrators (Debonnaire 2004).. Traditionally attempts to intervene in domestic violence focused on abused women and their children. In recent years, however, there has been a shift to include a focus on the man who has perpetrated the abuse. on the perpetrator of the abuse. New policies have been adopted which focus on pro-active forms of intervention and prosecution. As part of these interventions treatment programmes for men have been introduced. The Dulaith Abuse Intervention Project (Dulaith DAIP) was the worlds first project to place intervention programmes as part of a co-ordinated 8. community response that aimed to hold men to account for their behaviour, enhance womens safety, sanction abusers appropriately and teach men not to abuse (Debonnaire 2004). There are currently fifteen intervention programmes working with domestic abusers in Ireland. Through working with perpetrators, these organisations are trying to increase the safety, and reduce the risks to their partners and children (Debonnaire et al. 2004). Numerous evaluations of intervention programmes have been carried out. Some results appear to show that programmes had limited or no effect on mens behaviour or womens safety. Others show that some programmes can have a positive effect on womens safety and on reducing mens abuse, particularly as part of a co-ordinated community response involving the criminal justice system and womens support services (Dobash et al, 2002; OConnor, 1998 cited in Debonnaire 2004). The legal protection for victims of domestic violence in Ireland includes elements from both the criminal and civil systems. The Domestic Violence Act 1996 enables spouses, cohabitees and parents to apply for orders, with certain property and residency restrictions. It enacted provisions of the Family Law Act 1981, making breach of domestic violence order an arrestable offence and allowing Gardai to arrest an offender for suspected actual bodily harm or grievous bodily 9. harm without witnessing the violence. The Non-Fatal Offences Against the Person Act, 1997 addresses criminal aspects of domestic violence, making most forms of physical violence used by domestic abusers a crime. Victims of domestic violence can apply for three type of civil orders: protection orders (an interim order, which the court can make while a full hearing is pending for one of the other orders), safety orders (which prohibits violence or threats of violence, molesting or watching the place where the applicant or dependant person resides) and barring orders which prohibits the person from entering the place where the applicant resides also prohibits violence, threats of violence, molesting or watching the place where the applicant or dependant person resides). According to Nester (2007) it is clear from a High Court decision in the case of McA -v- McA (1981) that it is not necessary to prove actual or threatened violence in order to avail of a barring order. The wife in the above mentioned case claimed that her health had been adversely effected by her husbands continued lack of communication. Judge Costello granted a barring order on the grounds that the husbands conduct had seri ously affected the welfare of the wife. In cases where the Court believes there is an immediate risk of significant harm to the applicant or dependant child, or that a protection order may not be sufficient to protect the applicant, an interim barring order may be granted. This order has the same effect as a 10. barring order, and lasts until the Court determines the application for the barring order. Safety orders can last up to five years and barring orders for up to three years and can be renewed after that (Nester 2007). According to Margaret Martin (2006) Director of Womens Aid, the 1996 Domestic Violence Act falls short in a number of significant areas, leaving many victims of domestic violence unable to access protection in the civil courts. She states the Act specifies where a cohabitee wishes to apply for a barring order, two key conditions must be satisfied: the applicant must have lived with the respondent for six of the previous nine months in aggregate. They must be able to prove an equal or greater interest in the property. To apply for a safety order, the applicant must have lived with the respondent for six of the previous 12 months in aggregate. Ms Martin (2009) argues that these restrictions have prevented many women from accessing protection. Some may have been living with their partners for too short a period or many may be separated from him too long. Others may not have lived with their abuser at all. Separation she says is often the most dangerous time for a woman with the abuse becoming more frequent, severe and dangerous. Ten per cent of callers to the Womens Aid helpline in 2008 were being abused by former partners who were not married. Ms Martin (2009) also points out that there are no legal provisions for women in dating relationships. She states that the law is powerless to protect women who were never married or have never 11. lived with the abuser. This also applies to women who have children but do not live with the father of the child, they cannot apply for domestic violence orders because they do not fit the cohabitation requirements. This falls short of UN guidelines for domestic violence legislation, which state that legislation should apply at a minimum to individuals who are or who have been in an intimate relationship, including marital, non-marital, same-sex and non-cohabiting relationships (Martin 2009). A number of groups including Womens Aid, the Law Society, the Law Reform Commission, the Government Task Force on Violence against Women and Amnesty Ireland, have called for the 1996 Domestic Violence Act to be amended in order to address these issues. Holland (2009) states that unacceptable delays in the family courts are causing women, intimidated by violent spouses and partners, to drop applications for barring orders. She points out that the first port of call for a woman seeking a barring or protection order against a violent or abusive man is the District Court. Currently women face an eleven week wait between applying for an order and a court hearing. Within that period she says many women come under enormous pressure to withdraw their applications. She argues that the abuser has a lot of time to work on the victim. She said once an application is withdrawn it is unlikely the woman, who would be further demoralised, would re-enter it. A report published by Amnesty Internationa l points out that of 8,452 incidents of 12. domestic violence reported to the Garda in 2003, less than half resulted in barring orders from the courts. It looked at convictions of perpetrators in the courts, figures indicate that successful prosecutions occurred in only 7.7 per cent of these cases. The report also states that there has not been a single conviction for marital rape in this country, despite specific legislation making it a crime since 1990 and its frequent occurrence as reported by victims to organisations such as Womens Aid (Raferty 2005). Womens refuges prov

Exxon Mobil Essay -- Business Analysis

ExxonMobil is the largest publicly traded oil and gas producing company. ExxonMobil does business in 200 countries world-wide (1). Some countries are designated for exploring gas and petroleum, and some are designated for manufacturing chemicals, lubricants, and market fuels (1). ExxonMobil's world-class petroleum portfolio gives access to proven reserves of 21.9 billion oil-equivalent barrels of oil and gas, which is the highest in the industry (1). The company's discovered resources consist of 72 billion oil equivalent barrels of oil and gas. On average, each day, they produce 2.5 million barrels of oil and 10.5 billion cubic feet of gas (4). Their asset base, includes more than 60,000 production wells in 1,800 fields in 25 countries. With activities in some 40 countries, ExxonMobil's oil and gas fields extend from West Texas to West Africa and from Australia to Alaska (1). The company operates in deep seas, arctic ice and deserts in some of the world's most remote regions (1). Ex xonMobil is the world's largest nongovernmental marketer of equity natural gas. The company has access to 56 trillion cubic feet of proven reserves and discovered resources of more than 185 trillion cubic feet. It has gas sales in 25 countries and across five continents (4).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Oil is Exxon’s primary means of revenue. In the Oil industry there are competitive forces that function in the industry, but none stronger than the barriers of entry. One of the major barriers to entry is finding a supply of petroleum or gas. The cost of research, discovery, and output of gas and petroleum can easily reach the 100’s of millions of dollars. Another problem a new company would face, is receiving permission to develop oil in a foreign country. Because of the amount of money involved in oil, countries tend to produce oil on their own, rather than share the profits. The large investment in capital and the political connections needs to enter the industry, make it almost impossible to start a new oil company.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The second force that affects the oil industry is the bargaining power of suppliers. In the industry, suppliers have all the power. There is no international trade commission, so oil can be dispersed at any pace and be sold at what ever price suppliers want. The inelasticity of oil and the constant fear that oil is on the verge of running out, gives suppliers absolute power in the ... ...d. The have more than enough money and resources to work on alternative energy sources. Whether it is hydrogen or electricity, they can reap both the financial and humanity rewards. For Exxon to end with oil would be a tremendous blunder.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Exxon is not a company that needs to worry about competition. In the oil industry it is all about raw materials. The more a company has the more control they have. Exxon also has no need to be concerned with competition because gas is gas. No one is going to pay a dollar more for Exxon’s gas than Texaco. Another factor that eliminates competition from the industry is a unwritten theme that gas prices move together. It is rare to see two gas stations on the same block with significance in price. When oil prices go up, gas prices follow. Works Cited 1.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  ExxonMobil’s Official Website 2.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  TexacoShell’s Official Website 3.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Yahoo Finance ExxonMobil stock information and financial reports. 4.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  ExxonMobil’s Official Website Products and Services Subsidiaries and info about. 5.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  TexacoShell’s Official Website 6.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  ExxonMobil stock information and financial reports. Historical Stock Prices   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  

Shivaji

Chhatrapati Shivaji Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was the founder of the Maratha Empire in western India. He is considered to be one of the greatest warriors of his time and even today, stories of his exploits are narrated as a part of the folklore. King Shivaji used the guerrilla tactics to capture a part of, the then, dominant Mughal empire. Read this biography to get more information on the warrior and his life history: Early Life Shivaji was born on 19th February 1630, to Sahaji and his wife, Jijabai, in the Shivneri Fort, situated almost 60 km to the north of Pune.He was named as Shiva, after the local Goddess Shivai, to whom his mother Jijabai had prayed for a son. After being defeated by the combined forces of the Mughals and Adil Shah, Sahaji was offered a jagir near the present-day Bangalore. However, he was allowed to keep his holdings in Pune. So, Sahaji left his son Shivaji to manage the Pune holdings, under the care of his mother Jijabai. With a small council of ministers, Shivaji began managing his estate. His ministers included Shamrao Nilkanth as Peshwa, Balkrishna Pant as Muzumdar, Raghunath Ballal as Sabnis and Sonopant as Dabir.At the same time, Kanhoji Jedhe and Baji Pasalkar were appointed to look after Shivaji's training. In the year 1644, Shivaji undertook full administrative responsibilities of his estate. Thus was started his career as an independent young prince of a small kingdom. His mother, Jijabai, was instrumental in instilling in Shivaji's mind a love for independence and distaste for external political domination. Career The first aggression in the life of Shivaji came at the age of sixteen, when he seized the Torna fort of Bijapur kingdom. By 1647, he had gained control over Kondana and Rajgad forts, with complete power of the Pune region.With time, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj secured the forts in the Western Ghats as well as those along the Konkan coast. Shivaji also fought against the army of Adilshah at Purandhar. In November 1 659, he fought the battle of Pratapgarh and defeated Afzal Khan. Immediately after this success, King Shivaji occupied the area stretching upto the Panhala fort. The battle of Kolhapur took place in December 1659. In the battle, Shivaji crushed the army of Bijapuri general, Rustemjaman. In 1660, Siddi Johar's huge and daunting army attacked him at Panhala fort.Shivaji managed to escape from the fort. However, he soon launched an attack on Siddi Johar. The result was the surrender of Panhala and a truce between Shivaji and Adilshah. After the death of Adilshah, Aurangzeb attacked Golconda and Bijapur. Shivaji used guerilla-style tactics and captured more and more of the Bijapuri and Mughal territories. However, by 1663, he had lost most of his conquests to the Mughal army. In the next few years, Shivaji again started seizing forts belonging to both Mughals as well as those of Bijapur. Aurangzeb sent Jai Singh, his Hindu general, to capture Shivaji.Shivaji surrendered to Jai Singh at Purander in 1665 and agreed becoming a Mughal vassal. In 1666, he managed to escape form his house arrest in Agra and lay low for the next few years. However, in January 1670, Shivaji launched an attack on Mughal garrisons in Maharashtra. Within a period of six months, he won back most of his lost empire. The period of 1670 to 1674 was spent by Shivaji Maharaj in expanding his empire at the cost of the Mughals. In 1670, Shivaji launched an assault, under his General – Tanaji Malusare, to capture Kondana fort on the outskirts of Pune.The battle was won but he lost Tanaji. In the honor of Tanaji, the Kondana fort was renamed as Sinhagad. Shivaji was formally crowned as Chatrapati (meaning the Chief, Head or King of Kshatriyas) in June 1674 at the Raigad fort. He was given the title of Kshatriya Kulavantas Simhasanadheeshwar Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. The end of 1676 saw Shivaji commencing attacks in the southern parts of India. Death and Succession Shivaji breathed his last o n 3rd April 1680 in the Raigad fort, the capital for Maratha Empire. He was succeeded by his elder son, Sambhaji.

New Jersey’s Proposals to Cut Health Care Spending

In virtually every corner of the United States, State governments are grappling with the inevitable challenge of deriving a balanced budget given the outstanding deficits in revenues, a scenario largely precipitated by the financial crisis that has hit the nation. New Jersey is no exception. Indeed, state officials have increasingly found themselves faced with the reality of soliciting sufficient revenues to fund the topmost priority issues, unlike in previous budget allocations. In an attempt to draw a balanced and fair budget for the 2010 fiscal year, various proposals have been advanced.One of the efforts that can not escape notice is the idea of cutting funding for the state’ FamilyCare. The proposed strategy in realizing such an objective involves freezing the enrollment of parents between 150 and 200 percent of the federal poverty level and the implementation of co-payments for individuals in Medicaid and the AIDS Drug Distribution Program (ADDP) (NJ for Health Care, 200 9). Indeed, the budget dilemma facing the state is understandable, given the severe economic conditions.Whereas the idea of cutting monetary allocations on some items would suffice in minimizing the critical budget deficits that are essential in facilitating the advancement of the state’s yearly programs, adopting a rational approach based on critical evaluation reveals the utter need to reconsider the said proposals. In an economy where a significant majority is struggling to meet the high costs of living, the proposal to cut back FamilyCare enrollment of parents is evidently a grave issue that can be described as a matter of life and death.The fact that a healthy population is vital in the enhancement of economic prosperity is an indisputable reality that the state authorities embrace. In essence, the provision of Medicaid prescription drug benefits as well as the upgrading of Drug Distribution Programs for AIDS patients is essential in promoting health and wellness among N ew Jersey residents. Amidst the tough economic times, the advocacy of a sound healthcare policy is of critical significance. As such, the proposal to cut back funding on health-related programs like FamilyCare, Medicaid and ADDP should be inevitably reconsidered.The Significance of the Proposed Changes on Health Care The availability of quality and affordable health care services is necessary in the advancement of individual well-being. From a medical perspective, the client (patient) is the most important person. A general look at the proposed cuts and co-pays gives the indication that they will affect the ability of individuals to meet health care costs at a time when the cost of living has reached significantly high levels.In reality, the proposals will have a significant impact on health-seeking behavior, which constitutes a direct concern for the nursing and medical professions. The Impact of the Proposals from Positive and Negative Perspectives Generally speaking, the idea of coming up with a single healthcare policy that is not only budget-friendly, but which adequately addresses the health needs of the American population has remained elusive.At the national as well state level, financial analysts have year in year out grappled with the task of allocating funds to diverse priority issues. The idea of substituting certain financial allocations with others discerned to be of more socioeconomic consequence, often with mixed repercussions, has emerged as one of the most popular trends. Indeed, years of research and analysis has depicted the initiative of cutting health care spending on specific items as a double-edged sword. Positive ConsequencesOne of the healthcare policy issues that have been extensively studied is the effect of Medicaid drug co-payments. Examining the results reveals a significant degree of consistency in as far as the programs’ ability to minimize the overall healthcare expenditure is concerned. A longitudinal survey carried ou t in thirty eight states revealed that co-payments play an important role in barring individuals entitled to Medicaid benefits from filling prescriptions during a particular year, holding all other factors constant (Mason, Leavitt, and Chaffee, 2007).The predominant argument advanced in support of such behavioral trends is that beneficiaries of government-sponsored healthcare programs are inherently motivated to excessively utilize healthcare services funded by the government, which include ADDP and Medicaid, when compared with those with private insurance (National Organization for Women, 2007). By extension therefore, implementing co-pays suffice in instilling an increased sense of responsibility on beneficiaries of such programs, thus minimizing the tendency to seek unnecessary medical care.In essence, the rationale behind the suggestion to implement co-pays is based on their underlying assumption that the move would discourage unnecessary consumption of the Medicaid and ADDP pro grams which have traditionally been sponsored by the New Jersey government. In the long-run, the move is expected to save the state from excessive expenditures, and the arising funds directed to other priority issues. Negative Consequences A closer evaluation depicts the proposed healthcare cutbacks as likely to precipitate numerous unintended consequences in the long-term.For instance, it would expose the residents of New Jersey to increased health risks and dangers. This is particularly so considering the vulnerable population groups such as the poorest of the poor, the physically and mentally challenged, and those suffering from terminal illnesses. According to preliminary projections, the Medicaid proposal will affect an estimated 418,000 of the most vulnerable individuals, while the ADDP one will affect about 7,500 individuals registered under the program (NJ for Health Care, 2009).Indeed, New Jersey’s FamilyCare program acts as the principal health insurance plan for lo w-income families within the state (Castro, 2007). Thus, the decision to close the insurance programs and implement co-payments will have far-reaching consequences on health-seeking behavior amongst these vulnerable groups. The most obvious result would be to deter patients from seeking healthcare at the appropriate times. This would serve to exacerbate their health conditions, and majority would definitely end up requiring specialized hospitalization and emergency attendance.For instance, baring individuals with HIV/AIDS from accessing the AIDS Drug Distribution Program and imposing co-pays implies that a significant majority from low-income households could fail to access the life sustaining drugs as well as the related services necessary for positive living. While the assumption that depicts co-pays as serving to reduce unnecessary expenditures for individuals entitled to state-sponsored medical programs like Medicaid and ADDP could hold under certain circumstances, there is also a strong counterargument that the opposite could be true.Denial of the existing health insurance program (FamilyCare) which is fairly affordable would precipitate avoidable scenarios such as healthcare emergencies as well as serious illnesses (National Organization for Women, 2007). On another front, raising co-payments encourages patients to avoid cost-effective healthcare, and instead, seek medical attendance when their health status has significantly deteriorated. Examining the previous results of implementing co-pays gives provides strong indications that they indeed cause disadvantaged and marginalized groups to forego healthcare services, even those often described as fundamentally essential.In the last financial year for instance, the state of Oregon eliminated co-pays for prescription drugs after it emerged that the state’s Medicaid program co-payments were precipitating significant shifts in treatment patterns (Mason, Leavitt, and Chaffee, 2007). According to an inv estigation carried out in the same year, Medicaid co-pays for low-income individuals not only failed to reduce health costs as envisioned in the initial plan, but also precipitated clients to prefer a waiver of the co-pay as opposed to seeking medical services. The overall result of such tendencies is to inevitably increase the associated healthcare bills.Thus by implementing the FamilyCare, Medicaid and AIDS Drugs Distribution programs, the state of New Jersey would end up incurring more costs. From a practical point of view, this increased burden would be transferred to the ordinary taxpayer who has to pay additional taxes so as to cater for the unplanned healthcare expenditures. According to an analytical survey conducted by the Hispanic Directors Association of New Jersey (HDANJ), the proposed cuts are indeed shortsighted, and will most likely have severe financial implications (NJ for Health Care, 2009).This is not only in reference to the direct costs incurred in curative care , but as well those initiatives deemed to alleviate disease causation and spread. A case in point is when we consider the possible costs of patients who contract infectious diseases like the HIV virus, simply because they lack concise awareness of how the infection is transmitted. Similarly, it would be necessary to embrace a relatively new approach in the institutionalization of mentally sick clients who fail to receive appropriate outpatient counseling (Castro, 2007).In practice, these and other cases would most likely make the state and county governments incur additional and unplanned healthcare costs. Why the Nursing Professional Body Should Oppose the Proposed Cuts and Co-pays Examining the available body of evidence provides sufficient proof that the proposals to freeze the enrollment of parents in FamilyCare and implementation co-payments for individuals in Medicaid and the AIDS Drug Distribution Program are not only unnecessary, but also poses unprecedented health risks and dangers to the residents of New Jersey.It is imperative that nursing professional organizations throughout the state join hands with the rest of the citizenry in ensuring that these proposals are not implemented, considering the pivotal nature of the nursing profession in advocating for sound healthcare policy and promoting individual wellbeing in society. Indeed, the nursing fraternity should fight these cuts by using whichever means possible to influence state authorities to safeguard the health for all residents through the restoration of funding for the State’s FamilyCare, Medicaid and AIDS Drug Distribution Programs.This could be achieved by heeding the recently derived initiative of making phone calls to the state headquarters so as to express dissatisfaction with the proposals. Rationale for the Decision The proposals to cut health care spending on programs like Medicaid and ADDP in the state should not have been advanced at such an inappropriate timing. Indeed, the c urrent financial crisis facing the nation as a whole has not spared New Jersey. Examining the unemployment rates reveals that they have attained record-high proportions.As more and more citizens are laid off thus losing individual and family healthcare insurance, the situation is becoming more and more desperate for many residents, particularly for low-income households. At a time when living costs have attained unprecedented levels, the move to cutback enrollment in the State’s FamilyCare for poor working adults as well as the initiative to implement co-payments for individuals who least can afford them could not be less untimely and misplaced.To further highlight why the proposed cuts and co-pays are unwarranted, it is worthwhile mentioning that New Jersey has indeed received unanticipated federal funding aimed at stimulating the state’s economic growth. Recently, for instance, the state received a windfall of an estimated two billion dollars (for Medicaid) and anoth er one hundred million dollars (for FamilyCare) in additional federal funding, both of which were unexpected (). Despite the fact that these funds were largely utilized to correct the deficits in the state budget, it would have been similarly important to use a certain percentage cushion the health cutbacks.Indeed, this was the actual intention of the Congress. By utilizing the additional funds in appropriate ways, New Jersey would have probably won itself even more federal funding to meet its priority issues. In a nutshell therefore, implementing the said proposals is certainly a misplaced option, considering that it would have been avoided had the sound allocation mechanisms been employed. According to recent projections, an estimated seventy thousand people would be removed from the FamilyCare program, the only major health insurance scheme for low-income households should the stated proposals go through (NJ for Health Care, 2009).Likewise, the proposed move to implement Medicaid co-payments will affect the majority of those it is intended for: the elderly, poor, and children. The increased premiums and co-pays for health care have the implication that these vulnerable groups will be unable to access and afford essential medical services. Indeed, thousands of children in New Jersey could end up losing coverage for essential health care services such as payments for hearing aids, eyeglasses, and speech therapy among other necessary therapies hardly affordable to low-income households.In addition, implementation of co-pays for patients registered in the ADDP means that the less disadvantaged may experience unprecedented challenges in accessing drugs, counseling services, and any other necessary therapies and therapies. Overall, the implementation of the proposed cuts and co-pays make it hard for New Jersey residents to access quality and affordable health care which has often been cited as a necessary prerequisite for economic growth and development. As evide nce from the Oregon case where similar cutbacks were implemented, the overall state expenditure on healthcare is likely to increase, rather than decrease.Though proposal to implement FamilyCare cuts and Medicaid programs co-payments may lead to reduced costs in the short-term, the unintended consequences such as the tendency by patients to seek medical services when their health condition has deteriorated will mean additional in the long-term. Rather than the envisaged intention of lowering costs, the implementation of the proposals will only serve to place extra pressure on the state coffers, which in turn will be redirected to ordinary taxpayers.As New Jersey’s Senator Joseph Vitale recently observed, not only will vulnerable families be affected, but the state economy will also be hurt (NJ for Health Care, 2009). According to state projections, investing a single dollar in FamilyCare generates about four dollars in business activity, which translates to a loss estimated at forty million dollars (The Star-Ledger Editorial Board, 2009). Evidently therefore, the implementation of the proposed cuts and co-pays will have vast, disastrous and multiple consequences on individual families and the state as a whole.Those arguing for the implementation of Medicaid and ADDP co-payments also seem to neglect the essentiality of good health. By making healthcare services less affordable particularly for low-income families, the proposed co-pays will push individuals to the edge where they will continuously face one inevitable dilemma: that of choosing between basic necessities like food and housing on the one hand, and heath care needs on the other. The overall result would be to discourage health-seeking behavior.By implication, the nursing and medical professional fraternities will be faced with the increased task of attending to patients in critical conditions, which puts unwarranted burdens on an already strained health care system. Conclusion Considering the t ough economic conditions that prevail in the state of New Jersey, it is imperative that the proposals to implement cuts for FamilyCare and co-pays for Medicaid and ADDP programs be reconsidered.Particularly for individual families earning low incomes, the implementation of such initiatives presents a situation where one is increasingly faced with the dilemma of choosing between heath care needs and other necessities of life. Considering that the harsh economic conditions may force the State’s residents to opt to satisfy the more pressing needs of food and rent at the expense of health care services, it is necessary to reexamine the proposals.In a nutshell, the New Jersey State authorities should focus on expanding health care insurance coverage for all residents irrespective of their socioeconomic status or race, rather than suggesting cuts and co-pays which will not only harm individual families, but the wellbeing of the state as a whole. References Castro, R. J. (2007). Tim e to Keep the FamilyCare Promise. New Jersey Policy Perspective. http://njcitizenaction. org/hcfallingshort. pdf Coalition for a Moral Budget. (2009). Press release: Medicaid and ADDP co-pays will harm the most vulnerable New Jerseyans call upon legislature to eliminate co-pays from budget.Mason, D. J. , Leavitt, J. K. , and Chaffee, M. W. (2007). Policy & politics in nursing and health care. (5th ed). Edinburgh : Elsevier Mosby. National Organization for Women. (2007). Tax cuts hurt the poor. Opposing Viewpoints: Poverty. Ed. Viqi Wagner. Detroit: Greenhaven Press, 2007. Opposing Viewpoints Resource Center. Gale. Apollo Library. Retrieved June 25, 2009 from http://find. galegroup. com/ovrc/infomark. do? &contentSet=GSRC&type=retrieve&tabID=T010&prodId=OVRC&docId=EJ3010159287&source=gale&srcprod=OVRC&userGroupName=apollo&version=1.0 NJ for Health Care (2009). Senator Vitale, Chair NJ Senate Health Committee stands with advocates to oppose cut backs to NJ FamilyCare, Medicaid and the Aids Drug Distribution Program. May 12, 2009. Retrieved June 25, 2009 from http://njcitizenaction. org/hcpress20090512a. html The Star-Ledger Editorial Board. (May 26, 2009). N. J. FamilyCare funding: An avoidable budget cut. The Star-Ledger. Retrieved June 25, 2009 from http://blog. nj. com/njv_editorial_page/2009/05/nj_familycare_funding_an_avoid. html

interstate commerce act essays

interstate commerce act essays In 1887 the United States was still trying to rebuild and move to the west. The main method of transportation was the railroad. Not only was it quick, it was also expensive. No one had more problems paying for railroad cargo and themselves were the farmers. Congress eventually formed the Interstate Commerce Commission. Its goal was to wage lower rates than the railroad would allow. This was the start of the interstate commerce act of 1887. In this short essay some of the important sections of this act will be discussed and demonstrated by its importance and reasoning. Here is a brief, but accurate summary of the interstate commerce act of 1887. First, farmers could only carry cargo and transport it through the United States. Second, if a passenger asks for cargo or money from another passenger or the committee will punish him. Third, it is unfair to give money or cargo to any other person except for whom its is going to. Fourth, it is the rule that the railroad company is to keep scheduled stops and prices written legibly. The act says Schedules shall be plainly printed in large type... for use of the public.(Section 6,51) The last few sections give rights to the carriers safety. Any person claiming to be damaged may complain to the commission...or draw up a suit which is stated in this act.(Section 9,51) Other rules are the right to inspect cargo and ask the passengers purpose for transporting or having it. It was very important to the people of this time to have a proper-posted schedule, a decent fare, and a cooperative service in the railroad industry. The interstate commerce Act of 1887 not only set up fair state to state shipping and trade but, made it easy for their expansion and settlement. ...